Institut d’Études Augustiniennes

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Abstracts:

Anthony DUPONT, «Original Sin in Tertullian and Cyprian: Conceptual Presence and Pre-Augustinian Content?», p. 1-29

Augustine of Hippo’s notion of peccatum originale did not come out of the blue. In the scholarly discussion about the ‘traditional’ or ‘innovative’ character of Augustine’s doctrine of original sin, G. Bonner and M. Hollingworth argued for its specifically African roots. In order to evaluate the possible ‘Africanness’ of Augustine’s concept of peccatum originale, the current article addresses the two main protagonists of African theological thinking before Augustine: Tertullian (2nd/3rd c.) and Cyprian (3rd c.). They explicitly reflected on (infant) baptism and (the Adamic) sin, issues relevant for the doctrine of original sin, and Augustine refers to their writings for this reason. Did Tertullian and Cyprian lay the foundations of the doctor gratiae’s highly sophisticated doctrine of original sin? To answer this question, we gathered as exhaustively as possible all available evidence. Processing this quite elaborate collection of sources shows that
Tertullian and Cyprian created a conceptual framework in which it was possible for Augustine to develop all aspects of his doctrine of original sin, some of which differed considerably from the positions of Tertullian and Cyprian, including also some of the extreme implications of the Augustinian view.

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Philippe HOFFMANN, «Temps et éternité dans le livre XI des Confessions: Augustin, Plotin, Porphyre et saint Paul», p. 31-79

For almost a century, most scholars of Augustine seemingly were content with the idea that the bishop’s sermo 180 was preached near the middle of the first phase of the Pelagian Controversy, i.e., in 414/415 C.E. In 2013, a new critical edition of this sermon appeared. As part of that edition’s introductory materials, S. Boodts argued that, in fact, it is impossible to date
sermo 180. This article challenges both the traditional view and the view of Boodts. In particular, this article argues that, while absolute certainty remains elusive, it is possible to assign sermo 180 to the fifteen year span of 396 to 411 C.E. with a high degree of probability and that the sermon can be dated to before 415 C.E. with near certainty. This conclusion is based upon the history of
Augustine’s reception and use of James 3. In particular, this article shows that the wording of sermo 180 makes it highly improbable that Augustine was deeply familiar with the Latin text of James 3:8 at the time that sermon was preached. It also shows that by 415 C.E., Augustine had clearly become deeply familiar with the Latin text of James 3 and, moreover, had established an anti-Pelagian exegesis and application of James 3:8 that clearly was absent from his repertoire
when he preached sermo 180. From this evolution in the Augustine’s thought, a necessary date range for sermo 180 that includes a terminus ante quem of 415 C.E., and probably even one of 411 C.E., necessarily follows.

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Paul VAN GEEST, «‘… neque in dexteram, neque in sinistram declinans’ (Vita Augustini 22,1). Possidius’ relationship with Augustine and Augustine’s embodiment of the Praeceptum in the Vita Augustini», p. 99-121

This article is divided into three parts. The first calls into question how relations
between Possidius and Augustine must be viewed on the basis of what Augustine has to say about the topic; thus the article shows that it was Possidius who appears to have guided and counseled Augustine on several occasions, particularly on legal issues. This then makes it possible to put forward several hypotheses, if not strictly speaking on Possidius’ biography, then at least on his formation, and to regard him as a cultured man who mastered the codes of hagiographical literature, who had certainly received legal training, and who was perfectly acquainted with Augustine’s œuvre. The article finally also discusses the question of the Augustine of the Vita Augustini: on the basis of passages from the text, the author regards this figure as an example of moderate monastic life, but also as the true incarnation of various tenets of the Rule (he discusses seven examples). Through this literary expedient, Possidius wanted to involve the writing of the Vita in his strategy of unifying the African church. This article, which stands in the tradition of
L. Verheijen’s research, attempts to contribute to the studies of the Rule, but especially of the composition and purposes of Possidius’ Vita.

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Lukas J. DORFBAUER, «Neu identifizierte Fragmente einer Handschrift der Briefsammlung des Ambrosius von Mailand aus dem frühen 9. Jahrhundert», p. 123-140

This article argues that the four manuscript fragments Paris, BNF NAL 2525, fol. 41, Paris, BNF NAL 2633, fol. 1-2, Saint-Wandrille, Bibl. abb. Ms. 1 and Paris, BNF NAL 3232 —26 leaves, altogether— are dispersed remnants of a single book containing the letter collection by Ambrose of Milan; this book was written in the first third of the 9th century in northeastern France, probably in Corbie. The paleography of the leaves, their history, and their contents are discussed. It is demonstrated that the book in question is the oldest (partly) extant member of the French family of transmission of Ambrose’s letters.

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Xavier MORALES, «Basile de Césarée est-il l’introducteur du concept de relation en théologie trinitaire?», p. 141-180

In the context of the patristic revival in XXth century theology, Basil of Caesarea is often credited for having introduced and developed the use of the concept of relation in trinitarian theology in order to define the divine persons. Only a thorough inquiry in Basil’s texts will allow to qualify this statement, by showing to what extent Basil depends on Origenian theology, namely in its Homoeusian version, which passes on to him the “argument of correlatives” (no Father without Son) and the distinction between absolute predication and relative predication. Nonetheless, Basil’s use of the concept of relation is of secondary importance , i.e. he never links it to the concept of hypostasis, distinguished from that of substance, in order to define the divine persons. Basil’s disciples, Gregory of Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa and Amphilochius of
Iconium, will not go further than their master.

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Simon ICARD, «Augustin, docteur de la grâce: histoire d’un titre», p. 181-198

“Doctor of grace” is the most famous and commonly used title of Augustine. What are its origins? Did its meaning evolved? Which traditions carried it? Was it officially canonized? Those questions are essential for the understanding of Augustinism because the authority of Augustine was involved in all the controversies about grace.

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Brian M. JENSEN & Clemens WEIDMANN, «Another Brick to the Augustinian Wall. New texts by Augustine discovered in the Sanctorale of the Lectionarium Placentinum», p. 239-276

The Lectionarium Placentinum contains in its Sanctorale (Piacenza, Bibl. Capitolare 62) two unknown sermons ascribed to Augustine, one of which is assigned to the feast of the four Roman martyrs Basilides, Cyrinus, Nabor and Nazarius (f. 141-143r, inc.: Beati martyres ut securi), the other one on Peter’s walking on the sea (f. 182-182v, inc.: Nullus potest esse securus navigator). In this joint study, we provide a critical edition and examine their authenticity. As a result, the sermon on the martyrs is proved authentic (Augustine, Sermo 335N), the other one certainly spurious. In addition, a previously neglected fragment quoted in Ambrosius Autpertus’ Sermo de Mathia can be assigned to Augustine as well (Augustine, Sermo 112B).

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Christopher A. JONES, «The Pseudo-Augustinian Excerpts in Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 389», p. 277-309

A ninth-century manuscript copied at Freising (now Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 6389) contains a series of passages beginning Vide, Alipi mi, ubi tibi uideatur ueritas habitare. The material has at times been regarded as pseudo-Augustinian, but its
content—actually a jumble of excerpts on multiple topics—has never been described or analyzed in detail. The present study takes up a suggestion by François Dolbeau that the passages are of Carolingian origin, and that their invocation of “Alypius” reflects the well-known enthusiasm of Alcuin and his colleagues for literary aliases. Further study of the passages in Clm 6389 confirms the Carolingian character of their source(s). By their content as well as their codicological setting, the extracts show frequent connections to one of Alcuin’s students in particular, Candidus Wizo, and also to the anonymous group of school texts known as the “Munich Passages.” As a further point of interest, the notable reference to “Alypius” in the excerpts is one of several indications that they were, in whole or part, written by the same author who composed the mysterious Carolingian treatise De sole et luna, published for the first time in 2006. The authorship of that text—which is also addressed to “Alypius”—invites reexamination in light of the connections between Candidus Wizo and the excerpts transmitted in Clm 6389. The character of these two sources associated with “Alypius” manifests a more complex type of “pseudo-
Augustinianism” than is typical of early medieval Augustinian pseudepigrapha.

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Bernard MEUNIER, «Ni ajouter ni retrancher: une qualification du texte inspiré?», p. 311-326

The expression ‘neither add nor subtract’ draws the attention of the reader of ancient Christian writers, who encounters it quite often. Borrowed from pagan antiquity, where it has various uses, in Christian texts it takes on a precise meaning related to the Canon and the inspiration of biblical texts; but it is found, from the fourth century onwards, applied to conciliar texts, which shows a conception of inspiration not enclosed within the text, but extended to the reader, the Council having authority to interpret biblical texts.

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Álvaro CANCELA CILLERUELO, «Edición y notas al texto de una homilía beneventana (Madrid, BNE, cod. 194 – CPL 1160a 20, 1997a)», p. 327-347

Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, 194 is the oldest extant Beneventan homiliary. As an appendix to his detailed study of this codex, Raymond Étaix transcribed a sermon of which this manuscript is the only known witness (CPL 1160a, 18-20). Although Étaix already emended certain faults, some errors remained unsolved. This paper presents a new critical edition including the discussion of the last sentence of the text, now transcribed under ultraviolet light. The text is followed by critical notes in which the corruptions identified by Étaix are corrected; some hitherto unnoticed faults are identified and emended as well.

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