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Volume 59 (2013)


Jean-Claude Fredouille (1934-2012) I-XI
Bibliographie de Jean-Claude Fredouille XIII-XXI
Benjamin GOLDLUST L’esthétique baroque de Tertullien dans le De pallio: échappées stylistiques et structures éclatées 1-21
Lucia SAUDELLI Le Socrate de Tertullien 23-53
Lorenzo PERRONE Origenes rediuiuus: la découverte des Homélies sur les Psaumes dans le Cod. Gr. 314 de Munich 55-93
François DOLBEAU Un Sermon prêché durant des intempéries, témoin négligé de versets d’Isaïe en vieille-latine 95-116
Jeffery AUBIN Le De rhetorica du Pseudo-Augustin: réexamen des objections contre l’authenticité augustinienne 117-134
Josep VILELLA Vt omni sabbato ieiunetur. A propósito de dos cánones pseudoiliberritanos sobre al ayuno sabático hebdomadario 135-180
Comptes rendus bibliographiques 181-218


Lukas J. DORFBAUER Fortunatian von Aquileia, Origenes und die Datierung des Physiologus 219-245
Mariagnese GIUSTO La miséricorde envers soi-même: Siracide 30, 24 (23) dans l’œuvre d’Augustin 247-273
Camille GERZAGUET Ambroise, Cassiodore et la série dite de patriarchis 275-298
Raúl VILLEGAS MARÍN Un épisode méconnu de la «préhistoire» du purgatoire chrétien: Fauste de Riez, Césaire d’Arles et les «miséricordieux» gaulois 299-335
Ariane BODIN Quelques considérations sur le problème du logement des clercs à travers le prisme des relations avec les laïcs dans l’Antiquité tardive 337-378
Chronica Tertullianea et Cyprianea 2012 379-439
Bulletin augustinien pour 2012/2013 et compléments d’années antérieures 441-504
Auteurs des travaux recensés 505-511
Table générale 513-514


Benjamin GOLDLUST, «L’esthétique baroque de Tertullien dans le De pallio: échappées stylistiques et structures éclatées», p. 1-21

The De pallio is an elusive work based on contrast, or even on contradiction. After some definitions and a theoretical conceptualization about baroque, especially in comparison with Apuleius, we measure how the writing of this treaty is characterized by a huge gap between an ordinary matter and the brilliant defense speech to which it gives rise, as well as, in its shaping, by the alliance of passages expressing an infinite syntactic complexity, and sometimes surprisingly simple. It appears that, throughout his diatribe on the universality of change, Tertullian has given the notion of contrast a stylistic status imposing an aesthetic. Moreover, we note that Tertullian adopts in turn the ethos of the preacher, the sophisticated lecturer and the speaker, but he always tries to charm his audience to obtain its approval and to arouse admiration, perhaps to meet his growing isolation. The copia and the ornatus, severely criticized by Tertullian the theoretician, paradoxically play a fundamental role here, as shown by the status of exempla, which goes far beyond the classic status of oratory proof and allows the Carthaginian to give free rein to a kind of stylistic jubilation.

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Lucia SAUDELLI, «Le Socrate de Tertullien», p. 23-53

The aim of this study is to offer a general, thematic, and analytic overview of Tertullian’s account on Socrates. In a first phase, one shall examine the texts in which Tertullian uses historical and literary data, and compare the different attitudes he adopts towards Socrates. The second part of the work is the study of the way in which Tertullian exploits the psychological, theological, and epistemological doctrine of Socrates—and this will enable us to evaluate the specificity of this reception and its interest for the History of ancient thought. The third section is focused on the subject in which Tertullian is the most interested: the Socratic demon; one shall show the stakes of the Christian critique of the pagan gods.

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Lorenzo PERRONE, «Origenes rediuiuus: la découverte des Homélies sur les Psaumes dans le Cod. Gr. 314 de Munich», p. 55-93

After a short presentation of the circumstances of the discovery in April 2012 of Codex Monacensis Graecus 314 (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich) by Marina Molin Pradel, this article examines the external and internal criteria supporting the attribution to Origen of the 29 anonymous homilies on the Psalms. External evidence is provided first of all by Jerome’s Letter 33, whose list largely corresponds to Cod. Gr. 314 (especially with regard to the long series of nine sermons on Psalm 77). Then we have the first four Latin homilies on Psalm 36 translated by Rufinus and also an important fragment taken from the second homily on Psalm 15 and preserved in his translation of the Apology of Origen by Pamphilus and Eusebius of Caesarea. Moreover we dispose of several excerpts in the catenae on the Psalms. Also inner criteria come to support the attribution to Origen: 1) the stylistic and literary aspects; 2) the historical and doctrinal background; 3) the personality of the preacher. These homilies offer precious light not only for the study of Origen’s preaching activity, but also for a better analysis of his important interpretation of the Psalms and the evolution of his thought.

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François DOLBEAU, «Un Sermon prêché durant des intempéries, témoin négligé de versets d’Isaïe en vieille-latine», p. 95-116

Critical edition of an anonymous sermon, present in three manuscrits written in North-Eastern France (the two oldest dating from the end of the ninth century). During a time of very bad weather, the preacher explains that the social urban disorder (oppression by the rich, dispossession of legal heirs) has caused this divine punishment. His biblical arguments depend on Old-Latin Translations, mainly five Isaiah-verses quoted continuously. His language is characterized by many Late Latin phenomena. Most probably, the sermon was preached between 450 and 650 by a talented orator, in one of the biggest Italian cities.

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Jeffery AUBIN, «Le De rhetorica du Pseudo-Augustin: réexamen des objections contre l’authenticité augustinienne» p. 117-134

The authenticity of the Pseudo-augustinian De rhetorica is still widely challenged by modern scholars. However, the analysis of various arguments against the Augustinian authorship reveals the weakness of the case. The main objection is that the author of the treatise makes unnecessary use of Greek terms, which is contrary to the custom of Augustine. Nonetheless, a closer look at Latin manuals of rhetoric shows that many authors are compelled to include Greek terminology in their treatises. It is possible that the Pseudo-Augustin follows a latin tradition initiated by Cicero that can be found in Augustine as well. While the examination of arguments does not establish the authenticity of the text, it tends to emphasize the weakness of these objections.

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Josep VILELLA, «Vt omni sabbato ieiunetur. A propósito de dos cánones pseudoiliberritanos sobre al ayuno sabático hebdomadario» p. 135-179

Until 19th March 416, date of the Ep. 25 of Pope Innocent I, it is not attested—neither in Rome nor anywhere—a mandatory observance of the sabbatical fasting which covered all weeks of the year—including, therefore, the Pentecostal period. Although this canonica regula—quoting John Cassian—did not achieve a generalized fulfillment in the Western churches—the Eastern ones kept setting the regular feed restriction on Wednesdays and on Fridays—Rome kept observing it. The Pseudo-Iliberritan canons 23 and 26 derive from Innocent’s mandate. Furthermore, they were included in a compilation that also evidences a rupture in the laetissimum spatium, since it clearly distinguishes the festivity of the Ascension from that of the Whit Sunday. Both canons extend to Pentecost the ordinary weekly fasting, but canon 26 was clearly introduced after canon 23 in order to suppress the summer exception for sabbatical superpositio that the latter stipulated. Canon 26 establishes an observance omni sabbati die, and denominates error the summer interruption of this practice. The dependence of this canon from the aforementioned decretal of Innocent can also be inferred from the coincidence between the summary of it contained in the Hispanic Epitome and the version that this abbreviated canonical collection provides of the Pseudo-Iliberritan canon 26.

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Lukas J. DORFBAUER, «Fortunatian von Aquileia, Origenes und die Datierung des Physiologus», p. 219-245

This article examines four passages of the Gospel commentary by Fortunatianus of Aquileia, which deal with the allegorical interpretation of four animals (viper, snake, stag and fox). What Fortunatianus has to say on the characteristics of these animals, and what he gains from it for his exegesis of the Gospels, is compared in a first step with the correspondent interpretations found in the Physiologus, in a second step with those given by Origen. By this means, the possible sources of Fortunatianus are to be determined, and the controversial question of the Physiologus’ date is to be clarified. It is demon­strated that the Physiologus did use works by Origen; thus, this work dates in all probability from the second half of the 3rd century. Fortunatianus did not use the Greek original of the Physiologus nor a Latin translation; he depends indirectly from Origen, most probably via the lost commentary on Matthew by Victorinus of Pettau.

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Mariagnese GIUSTO, «La miséricorde envers soi-même: Siracide 30, 24 (23) dans l’œuvre d’Augustin», p. 247-273

The Bible verse Sir 30, 24: “Have mercy on your soul by pleasing God” is not used very often in Augustine’s works but, starting from 397, it is constantly present, and we can find it in very important texts like De Ciuitate Dei. Augustine uses Sir 30, 24 to talk about mercy that man must show to himself. This mercy to himself is a deep conversion which allows man to find again communion with God, pleasing Him and offering himself as a sacrifice to God. It let man have a place in God’s plan of salvation, to eventually participate to eternal joy.

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Camille GERZAGUET, «Ambroise, Cassiodore et la série dite de patriarchis», p. 275-298

A series of ambrosian treatises, firstly mentionned by Cassiodorus and intitled de patriarchis, has raised, from Lenain de Tillemont to latterly, various hypothesis regarding its composition. In the light of the discovery of the manuscript Lucca, biblioteca capitolare 14 (IXth century), which contains a series of texts named as libri de patriarchis in its table of contents, and based on a reinterpretation of the meaning of liber in the three cassiodorian passages that refer to the series, this article aims to propose some elucidation about the identity and the order of the books which composed the succession of texts. This one would be due to a thematic edition, composed in Milan in the Vth or VIth century. Within the series, however, four treatises, De Isaac uel anima, De bono mortis, De fuga saeculi, and De Iacob et uita beata, make up a tetralogy, whose thematic consistency and specific tradition in the manuscripts suggest a publication decided by Ambrose himself.

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Raúl VILLEGAS MARÍN, «Un épisode méconnu de la “préhistoire” du purgatoire chrétien: Fauste de Riez, Césaire d’Arles et les “miséricordieux” gaulois», p. 299-335

Parallels between the eschatological sections in sermons 6 and 36 of the Pseudo-Eusebian collection and several passages of Faustus of Riez’s letter to the “merciful” Paulinus of Bordeaux confirm Faustus’ authorship of the aforementioned homilies. This allows for a better understanding of the reception of Faustus’ eschatology by another former Lerinian monk, bishop Caesarius of Arles, as well as for a better assessment of the role played by the notion of eschatological atonement in the preaching of the Lerinian monk-bishops. Neither Faustus nor Caesarius accepted the Augustinian hypothesis of an expiation of certain sins taking place in the interval between death and resurrection. Both authors place expiation of minor sins in the fire of Hell after resurrection. In their preaching Faustus and Caesarius evoke such a terrifying scenario in order to promote everyday penance among their hearers.

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Ariane BODIN, «Quelques considérations sur le problème du logement des clercs à travers le prisme des relations avec les laïcs dans l’Antiquité tardive», p. 337-378

If the ecclesiastical canons stated that travelling clerics could stay the night at the domus ecclesiae of their colleagues, the same norms condemn clerics who slept in hostels – with the notable exception of the deversorium – because they were considered as dens of vice. An analysis of hagiographic and patristic primary sources allows us to discover a new dimension of the relationships between clerics and laymen. When these religious men were invited into the domus of the rich Christians, they could also spend the night there. The following article deals with a large collection of late-antique texts, in which clerics – mostly bishops – are presented as having spent a night outside their domus ecclesiae. Drawing up a typology of the clerics’ travelling residencies enables us to assess how these journeys demonstrate political and social strategies of the clergy, according to the places where they stayed on short-term visits, between the 4th and the 6th centuries, throughout all the Roman Empire.

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