Institut d’Études Augustiniennes

IEA - Composante du LEM (UMR 8584, CNRS - EPHE - Paris-Sorbonne)

Home > Publications > Periodicals > Revue d'études augustiniennes et patristiques (RÉAug) > Tables of Contents

Volume 57 (2011)


Paul MATTEI In memoriam Aimé Gabillon (1922-2010) I-II
Martine DULAEY La geste de Moïse dans l’œuvre d’Augustin (1) 1-43
Mark DELCOGLIANO Basil of Caesarea on the Primacy of the Name ‘Son’ 45-69
Gilbert DAHAN «Deux peuples en un Corps». Commentaires médiévaux d’Éphésiens 2, 14-18 71-88
Adina PELEANU Deux séries chrysostomiennes: Sur l’impuissance du diable et Sur l’obscurité des prophéties 89-108
Sylvio Hermann DE FRANCESCHI Augustinisme et science moyenne 109-135
Wolfgang HÜBNER E pluribus unum bei Augustin 137-144
Comptes rendus bibliographiques 145-187


Philippe HOFFMANN Pierre Hadot (1922-2010) III-XII
Martine DULAEY La geste de Moïse dans l’œuvre d’Augustin (2) 189-237
Jérôme LAGOUANÈRE La notion de prochain dans les premiers écrits d’Augustin. Esquisse de réflexion 239-267
Anne-Isabelle BOUTON-TOUBOULIC Le cercle et la droite, figures de la Consolation de Philosophie de Boèce 269-285
Sophie VAN DER MEEREN L’influence du protreptique à la philosophie sur la Consolatio de Boèce : réexamen de la question 287-323
Pierre MOLINIÉ La confession de foi inaugurale dans la Lettre 12 de Maxime le Confesseur 325-356
Lukas J. DORFBAUER Ein neuer Textzeuge des wisigotischen Genesiskommentars Intexuimus: Exzerpte im Codex Monte Cassino, Bibl. Abb. 187 357-369
Philippe VERKERK Critique d’attribution et analyse quantitative 371-374
Chronica Tertullianea et Cyprianea 2010 375-427
Bulletin augustinien pour 2010/2011 et compléments d’années antérieures 429-491
Auteurs des travaux recensés 493-499
Table générale 501-502


Martine DULAEY, «La geste de Moïse dans l’œuvre d’Augustin (1)», p. 1-43

Augustine did not write a commentary on the Book of Exodus, but in his homilies he expounded on its spiritual meaning with great proficiency and pedagogical skill. This first article covers the period from the birth of Moses to the struggles in the desert. By comparing the bishop of Hippo’s words to those of his predecessors, it aims to highlight both his intellectual debt (as on more than one point he reworked ancient traditions) and his personal contribution.

Back to the table of contents

Mark DELCOGLIANO, «Basil of Caesarea on the Primacy of the Name ‘Son’», p. 45-69

This paper examines Basil of Caesarea’s arguments against the traditional names for the Son preferred by his opponent Eunomius, “something begotten” (γέννημα), “thing made” (ποίημα), and “creature” (κτίσμα), and in favor of his preferred name, “Son” (υἱός). In order to contextualize Basil’s arguments, a survey of earlier fourth-century usage and opinions about Eunomius’s preferred names is provided, revealing that Basil’s approach is both rooted in the tradition and innovative. While in his arguments against “creature” he draws upon Eusebius of Caesarea, against “something begotten” and “thing made” Basil argues that these names contravene scriptural usage and cannot even be inferred from passages in scripture because of the exacting character of the scriptural text, thereby opposing a long tradition of doing precisely this. Here he uses technical grammatical categories to support his strict view of the exegete’s task, which he sees as limited only to the words explicitly used in scripture. Thus in these arguments over names Basil says as much about his understanding of the principles of correct scriptural exegesis as he does about the concrete interpretations of specific passages.

Back to the table of contents

Gilbert DAHAN, «Deux peuples en un Corps». Commentaires médiévaux d’Éphésiens 2, 14-18, p. 71-88

Through the exegesis of some verses of Ephesians, the aim of this study is to show, in its concrete dimensions, the work of Western commentators, from the Latin Fathers to the end of the XIIIth century, in their methods and also in their doctrinal choices. Although they make use of patristic commentaries (notably Ambrosiaster’s one), the exegetes of the Middle Ages renew and deepen the intelligence of the text, which is true both for the high Middle Ages (Hatto of Vercelli and Haymo of Auxerre) and for the XIIth and XIIIth centuries (Hugh of St. Cher, Guerric of St. Quentin, Thomas Aquinas, Peter of Tarentaise and Nicholas of Gorran). The themes of the two people and of the peace are particularly examined, as well as the questions of christology. From the point of view of the method, a particular attention is given to the problems of textual criticism and to the divisio textus.

Back to the table of contents

Adina PELEANU, Deux séries chrysostomiennes: Sur l’impuissance du diable et Sur l’obscurité des prophéties, p. 89-108

Since the publication of the 1718 edition of B. de Montfaucon, the scholarly consensus on St John Chrysostom has been that the De diabolo tentatore homilies (CPG 4332) belong together as a homogenous series of three discourses. However, an in-depth study of these texts, together with an analysis of the manuscript tradition and of the Catalogue Augustanus, demonstrated the need to reconsider the composition of the De diabolo tentatore series, which we re-named here as On the impotence of the devil. Thus the first homily within the On the impotence of the devil series also features as the third homily within the On the obscurity of prophecies series (CPG 4420). These two sequences, which are well established, are also well defined and delineated, both thematically and chronologically. The problem that remains is the possibility of establishing whether the two series of homilies were delivered at approximately the same time. The series On the obscurity of prophecies would have been delivered in the course of the Lent of the year 386, right at the beginning of St John’s priestly ministry. It is also certain that the two homilies On the impotence of the devil were given in Antioch, in the course of the Bright Week, at the time of the bishopric of Flavian. We have no indication regarding the dates when the two sermons were preached. The absence of any further manuscripts in continuation of these five homelies strongly suggests the hypothesis that the two groups of sermons would have been delivered on different dates and that we are dealing here with two distinct series of homelies.

Back to the table of contents

Sylvio Hermann DE FRANCESCHI, Augustinisme et science moyenne, p. 109-135

Since the time of the Congregations de auxiliis (1598-1607), two factions were confronting each other among catholic theologians: on one side, the Jesuits defended the Molinist thesis of a sufficient grace conferred on everyone and made efficacious simply by the consent of free will; on the other side, the Dominicans, defenders of a strict Thomism, accused their opponents of Semi-Pelagianism and lent support to the thesis of the necessity for a grace efficacious in itself over and above the succour provided by sufficient grace. The Thomists claimed to respect Augustine’s teaching to the letter. The present article aims at showing how the Salmanticenses, whose Cursus theologicus was the perfect expression of the Thomist theology on grace and free will, and mostly Father Antonio de la Madre de Dios (1583-1637) defended strongly augustinian positions against the Molinist thesis of sufficient grace made efficacious by the consent of free will in the context of discussions on future contingents.

Back to the table of contents

Wolfgang HÜBNER, E pluribus unum bei Augustin, p. 137-144

One was right reducing the formula E pluribus unum to Augustin, who appreciates it for its contradictory character employing it within manifold contexts. Hitherto one found it in the well-known Confessiones, but since in this work the expression relates to a personal erotical frien­dship in the time of youth, a deeper signification results only from his philosophical (aesthe­tical and nu­me­rological) and theological (ecclesiological and christological) works, from the Enarra­tiones in psalmos according to the biblic language, and even more from the De trini­tate ac­cording to the gospel of St. John.

Back to the table of contents

Martine DULAEY, «La geste de Moïse dans l’œuvre d’Augustin (2)», p. 189-237

This second article follows the Augustinian exegesis of the story of Moses in the desert, from the bitter waters at Marah to the ultimate theophany on Mount Sinai. The bishop of Hippo, who was uncomfortable with personality cults, was careful not to heap inordinate praise on Israel’s guide, who remained in his view a sinful man. However, in sketching Moses’ portrait as a mystic and a forceful leader of his people to whom he gives his support in all circumstances, Augustine draws for us his image of an ideal bishop.

Back to the table of contents

Jérôme LAGOUANÈRE, «La notion de prochain dans les premiers écrits d’Augustin. Esquisse de réflexion», p. 239-267

Augustinian notion of neighbour has not been often studied, although it is very important to understand his thought. In this article, we will try to study how and why Augustine’s point of view has changed about it. We will first examine how he deals with this notion for the first time in the De moribus ecclesiae catholicae; then, how he interprets the parable of the Good Samaritan in later works. Thus, we will show that his way of defining the notion of neighbour evolved a lot, because it is first influenced by the pagan notion of iustitia and, then, it became a christologic concept thanks to the influence of Ambrose’s and, mainly, Origene’s interpretations of the Bible.

Back to the table of contents

Anne-Isabelle BOUTON-TOUBOULIC, «Le cercle et la droite, figures de la Consolation de Philosophie de Boèce», p. 269-285

Based on the interest of Boethius for geometry, this article aims to explore the presence and signification of the circle and straight line figures in the Consolatio Philosophiae. The study of these figures makes it possible to recount how one moves from the deteriorated representations of the circle and the straight line to the geometric figures which are more and more purified—from the wheel of Fortune to the circles whose Providence is the centre, in a process where the neoplatonic interpretation of the Timaeus plays an important role. This path corresponds to the progress that Boethius, the prisoner, accomplished under the direction of Philosophy; however these figures also refer to the art of dialectic speech employed by the latter, which alternates linear and circular sequences of reasoning.

Back to the table of contents

Sophie VAN DER MEEREN, «L’influence du protreptique à la philosophie sur la Consolatio de Boèce: réexamen de la question», p. 287-323

The contribution aims at reopening the long-debated question of the affinities between the Consolatio and the “genre” of the exhortation to philosophy. The first comparisons go back to the nineteenth century, in the context of the research on the Protrepticus of Aristotle, following the supposed “discovery” of long fragments of the work in Iamblichus. Various specialists then searched the text of Boethius for echoes of Aristotle’s Protrepticus and of other exhortations to philosophy. Very useful for the purpose of clarifying the sources of Boethius, these studies have in particular put in relief a series of philosophical topoi. Without disregarding these topoi, I propose here an approach based on rhetorical genres that leads to a comparison of the exhortation and the consolation as discourses. Although the two types of discourse share a pragmatic and ethical purpose, the consolatory discourse is limited to scattered counsel. Boethius’ Consolatio, on the contrary, is similar to the protrepticus for the importance accorded to the ultimate aim of the human being—happiness. On the other hand, it replaces the fatalist mood of the consolations with a systematic program that allows man to approach this aim, thanks to the realization of his nature.

Back to the table of contents

Pierre MOLINIÉ, «La confession de foi inaugurale dans la Lettre 12 de Maxime le Confesseur», p. 325-356

In his Letter 12, Maximus Confessor refutes Severus of Antioch’s Monophysitism, by developing his concept of Christ’s “composed hypostasis”. This concept appears to be highly paradoxical: it respects the integrity of the human and divine natures, in order to preserve the harmony of the cosmos to which the Byzantine monk is so attached. This hypostasis also marks the absolute superiority of Christ which surpasses anything that could be said of the divinity: such a love for mankind goes beyond any metaphysical category and brings to the world a radical novelty. Maximus then takes up the biblical concept of “mediation” from the hypostatic union perspective: that which is the most carnal in mankind is touched by the grace of the Incarnation, and human nature as a whole is deified.

Back to the table of contents

Lukas J. DORFBAUER, «Ein neuer Textzeuge des wisigotischen Genesiskommentars Intexuimus: Exzerpte im Codex Monte Cassino, Bibl. Abb. 187», p. 357-369

The florilegium Item questionem veteris testamenti which is transmitted in the manuscript Monte Cassino, Bibl. Abb. 187 (s. IX2) contains some hitherto unnoticed excerpts from the Early medieval Spanish commentary on Genesis which is known under the name Intexuimus. These excerpts are transcribed, their relation to the other known testimonies of the Intexuimus is discussed. An examination of the texts transmitted in Monte Cassino, Bibl. Abb. 187 shows that the scriptorium, in which this codex was written, had access to some partly very rare works from Early medieval Spain; an ancestor of Monte Cassino, Bibl. Abb. 187 might have been written in visigothic script.

Back to the table of contents

Copyright Institut d’Études Augustiniennes - 2016

Last update on : Tuesday 3 November 2020